SPRINGFIELD, Ill. (AP) – Eighteen months ago, Democrats were on top of Illinois’ political world after taking control of both the Legislature and governor’s office for the first time in a generation.

Now, in just the second year of that majority, they leave the capitol more fractured than ever after months of public feuding over the state budget, sometimes degenerating into personal attacks, stretched into the longest overtime Legislative session in state history – 54 days.

Gov. Rod Blagojevich and the legislative leaders contend that Illinoisans will benefit from compromises made on all sides. But many legislators say the most enduring results of the session may be a party at war with itself and voters even more disenchanted with state government.

“The biggest loser of this session is the legislative process,” said Rep. John Fritchey, D-Chicago. “The democratic process in Springfield is on life support. This is not how government is supposed to work.”

When the Democrats took control in January 2003, the incoming governor promised to “change the way business is done in Springfield.”

That first year, the Legislature went along with his ideas, quickly closed a $5 billion hole in the state budget and left Springfield on May 31. Blagojevich angered some lawmakers with his public attacks- one time calling them “drunken sailors” for overriding some of his vetoes. But his budget of borrowing and one-time revenue sources that helped stave off a massive deficit without forcing politically dangerous votes on tax increases outweighed the frustration.

Year Two was supposed to be easier. The budget deficit, though still large, was half the size of the previous year. Lawmakers had cleared many of the most important items from the agenda in 2003, including death penalty reform, and many figured they would approve a budget and go home to campaign for re-election.

But things unraveled in a big way as winter became spring and then summer.

Blagojevich called again for a budget that would raise fees and taxes on businesses and rely on borrowing to pay for increases in health care and education.

This time, House Speaker Michael Madigan, a fellow Chicago Democrat, said “No.”

Aligning with Republicans, Madigan balked at spending increases and borrowing without the revenue to back it up. In a rare public speech in April, the powerful House speaker put the governor on notice, saying his budget plans depended on dangerous levels of borrowing.

The acrimony only increased as the session went into overtime June 1 with no budget agreement.

Blagojevich and Senate President Emil Jones accused Madigan and Republicans of ignoring education and health care, while the other side remained firm in pushing for more cuts. At one point, the governor said Madigan’s daughter, Attorney General Lisa Madigan, only nixed his plan to mortgage a state office building because she was fighting her father’s battle for him – a comment that angered lawmakers of both parties.

With budget talks sputtering, Blagojevich started calling rank-and-file legislators back to town nearly every day beginning in late June to pressure leaders into an agreement.

The governor insisted his strategy worked, but most lawmakers said the special sessions were a costly waste of time. They spent only minutes in chambers each day with little to vote on for weeks.

Finally, an agreement was reached on the weekend before the Democratic National Convention.

The depth of the divisions were symbolized by a series of unprecedented “memorandums of understanding” on more than four dozen issues that lawmakers demanded Blagojevich put in writing. Madigan said they were seeded in mistrust Blagojevich engendered last year when he agreed to a budget and later vetoed large parts of it.

The governor can tout some accomplishments – he got much of the $400 million increase in education he wanted and closed some tax loopholes.

But he also got far less from raising fees and raiding special government funds than he wanted, as well as much less control of the State Board of Education – he wanted a new department under his control but agreed to the power to appoint most of the board members instead. His plan to close some prisons was stymied, and his Opportunity Returns construction program was delayed until November.

Legislators say Blagojevich’s popularity was hurt, and Democratic leaders don’t gain much either.

“Without question, the Democrats have suffered a black eye,” Fritchey said. “We’ve done our darndest to prove the naysayers right. I don’t think anyone can face the public with a straight face and say they’re proud of what we’ve done.”

Lawmakers say there’s still time for Blagojevich to win back legislators’ faith – his term doesn’t end until 2006 – but it won’t be easy.

Republicans, meanwhile, hope to capitalize on the infighting by reducing the Democratic majorities in legislative elections this November.